British Military: Top Employer for Gays & Lesbians

In a statement, a British Ministry of Defense spokesperson declared, ‘The Army has worked tirelessly over the last 15 years to become more inclusive and is very proud to be recognised by Stonewall as a top 50 lesbian, gay and bisexual employer. Our lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender forum is vibrant and offers confidential support, advice and mentoring to any personnel who are considering coming out.”

Prince Harry Sets a High Standard for Tolerance and Equality

In 2013 another Household Cavalry soldier, James Wharton, disclosed in his book Out In The Army, My Life As A Gay Soldier how Prince Harry once protected him from homophobic bullies. In one interview, Captain Hannah Winterbourne, the highest ranking transgender officer in the Army, tells of her decision to have transgender surgery. But the general said: ‘The MoD needs to do more than just put one or two junior and middle-ranking officers up for interview and claim it’s all nice and rosy in the garden. There is still a lot of homophobic bullying and abuse.’

Transgender Persons Speak Out

In one interview, Captain Hannah Winterbourne (above), the highest ranking transgender officer in the Army, tells of her decision to have transgender surgery

Captain Hannah Winterbourne is the highest ranking transgender officer in the Army, and she has openly spoken of her decision to have transgender surgery

Army General to “Come out”?

One of the British newspaper, “The Mail” ran an article about an Army General who is planning to “come out of the Military Closet.” He is not named and therefore it is mere speculation. “The Mail” claims an interview with the General who was furious over a colleague’s inappropriate and demeaning gay comment. Friends who know the General’s sexual orientation has warned him that this could severely damage his career.

The General is married with three children and has served in Iraq and Afghanistan with 30 years of distinguished service. He states that he has a very loving relationship with his wife who knows that he is gay. She does not want to divorce him. In the interview, the general is reported to have stated that he is part of a ‘small number of senior officers in the Army, RAF and Royal Navy who have decided to keep their sexuality secret because of the potential impact it might have on their career’.He added: ‘It might come as a shock to some people but there have been and there are gay members of the SAS. (Crack special forces team).I have met them.”

‘Gay soldiers won medals in Iraq and Afghanistan. And yes, there have probably been many gay generals over the years.’

Paula, 2015, stories4hotbloodedlesbians.com

Twenty-Five Unusual Facts About Homosexuality

1.The labrys, a double-edged hatchet or axe, is a symbol of strength and unity for the lesbian community. Demeter, the Goddess of Earth, is said to have used a labrys as her scepter, especially in religious ceremonies.

2. In 1987, Delta Airlines apologized for arguing in plane crash litigation that it should pay less in compensation for the life of a gay passenger than for a heterosexual one because he may have had AIDS.

3. Gay people tend to be left-handed much more often than heterosexuals.

4. The Netherlands was the first country in the world to legalize same-sex marriages in 2001.

5. In Egypt, two male royal manicurists named Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep were found buried together in a shared tomb similar to the way married couples were often buried. Their epigraph reads: ‘Joined in life and joined in death’. Having lived in 2400 BC, they are believed to be history’s oldest recorded gay couple.

6. In 1952, the Unites States Congress enacted a law banning lesbians and gay foreigners from entering the country. The law was on the books until it was repealed in 1990.

7. There is some evidence that increased levels of steroids in the womb increases the chances that a girl will be a lesbian.

8. Some historical gay and bi figures have turned their lovers into gods. Alexander the Great wanted to make his boyhood lover Hephaestion a god when he died, but was only allowed to declare him a Divine Hero. The Roman Emperor Hadrian, of wall-building fame, was successful in making his lover, Antinous, a god after he drowned in the Nile.

9. The three U.S. cities that have the most gay couples are New York City (47,000), Los Angeles (12,000), and Chicago (10,000). The major metropolitan cities with the highest LGBT concentration are San Francisco 15.4%, Seattle 12.9%, and Atlanta 12.8%.f

10. The Roman Catholic Church sanctified gay marriages in the “so called” Dark Ages. A notable marriage was between Byzantine Emperor Basil 1st, (867-886) and his partner called John.

11. Gilbert Baker, also known as the “Gay Betsy Ross,” designed the rainbow flag, or Pride Flag, in San Francisco in 1978. The flag is the most prominent symbol of lesbian and gay pride. The colors, red, orange, yellow, green, blue, indigo, and violet represent sexuality, life, healing, the Sun, nature, art, harmony, and the spirit, respectively.

12,. Mercury represents male and female principles in harmony. In mythology, Mercury fathered Hermaphroditus, who had both male and female sex organs.

13. The first U.S. lesbian magazine was titled Vice Versa and was written by the pseudonymous Lisa Ben (an anagram for “lesbian”).f

14. In ancient China, homosexuality was referred to as ‘the cut sleeve’ and ‘pleasures of the bitten peach.’’.

15. Until the late 1400s the word ‘girl’ just meant a child of either sex. If you had to differentiate between them, male children were referred to as ‘knave girls’ and females were ‘gay girls‘.

16. We can thank William Shakespeare and his Globe Theatre players for using the word “drag.” It was an acronymn for Dressed Resembling A Girl.”

17. Queen Elizabeth II of England may or may not be aware that in the early 17th century, there was a gay brothel on the site where she lives – Buckingham Palace. (Surely, there is a modern gay or lesbian in the ranks???)

18. As early as 1806, an early explorer, Nicholas Biddle, found that the Minitarees (Native American tribe) allowed for diversity of gender. He wrote, ‘if a boy shows any symptom of effeminacy or girlish inclinations, he is put among the girls, dressed in their way, brought up with them and sometimes married to men’.

19. The word “gay” used to refer to a woman prostitute – and a gay man, was a man who slept with lots of women.

2o. A novel called “Carmilla” was a story of a lesbian vampire that preyed on young women, was written 25 years before Dracula.

21. In 1973, the American Psychiatric Association decided that homosexuality should no longer be classified as a mental disorder. Also the same year, the American Bar Association passed a resolution recommending the repeal of all state sodomy laws.c

22. There has been a gay U.S.A President. He was James Buchanan and he shacked up for 10 years with a future Vice President, William Rufus King. Later on, President Andrew Jackson named Buchanan as “Miss Nancy” and King as “Aunt Fancy.”

23. A monocle is a one-piece-eye- glass, now not in use. Lesbians particularly in France and Germany used a monocle as a means of identification.

24. The oldest surviving LGBT organization in the world is Netherlands’ Centre for Culture and Leisure (COC) which was founded in 1946. It used this as a cover name to mask its real purpose.

25. Gay male victims of the Holocaust, who wore the downward-facing pink triangle, were still considered to be criminals when they were freed from concentration camps. They were often sent back to prison to serve out their terms.

From Various Sources

Paula, 2015, stories4hotbloodedlesbians.com

Bollywood LGBTQ Movie Review

This ranking is not a complete list of films in the LGBTQ movie genres created by Metacritic; it needs technical improvements as well as a maximum number of reviews to properly represent them.

As a note, since 2000 when IMDB began keeping track, all films released prior to 2000 in the US have been included in the film database regardless of content. This may raise inaccuracies with films released in 2001 and beyond when it comes to the gender balance of films released then and that from 2001 and older. The same rules apply to films with more than one contender.

By association, the Bollywood films are arguably future-shock cinema, but with queer stories overtaking the most mainstream Hollywood titles, they may be the films most able to take advantage of the cutting edge.

Blurred Lines
Starring: Robin Thicke, Pharrell Williams, Nate Ruess, T.I., Phoebe Bridgers
Review: 4 out of 5 stars, from 1,817 critics 100% on his Twitter feed – Blurred Lines is the first and only “Coming Out Song” to make the top 20 Best ♡♡♡ Jokes of 2012.

Rocky Horror Picture Show
Starring: Tim Curry, Laurie Strode, Susan Sarandon, Lili Taylor and more
Review: 4 out of 5 stars, from 1,816 critics. “Gruesome. Technically skillful. The ultimate ‘pointless comedy.’ And it stands as a witty reminder that, yes, a movie that no one was actually watching is still a great movie. It may not exist in a vacuum, but it has to exist in a picture.”

Pop Culture Happy Hour

Starring: Rob Riggle, Jamie Kennedy, Andrew McCarthy, Brian Posehn, David Koechner, Jimmi Simpson, Michael Richards

Review: 4 out of 5 stars, from 1,775 critics. ” either act smug about recognizing their gay selves or act upset about being recognized by homosexual faces, it doesn’t really matter.”

The Boxtrolls

Starring: James McAvoy, Ben Whishaw, Jude Dibdin, Liam Neeson, Nick Frost, Bill Nighy

Review: 4 out of 5 stars from 1,659 critics “clear statement about the way that society undervalues the partners of transgender people, and what makes the ‘reality’ of same-sex relationships look different.”

Swingers

Starring: Meredith Haggerty, Julie Benz, Jason Lee, Anne Heche, Andrew Rannells, Diana Rigg, Kathleen Turner

Review: 4 out of 5 stars, from 1,645 critics “the strongest erotic romance,” “an exploration into sexuality for people who are too addicted to Drama & ambitions wasted to be forthright.”

The Artist

Starring: Damien Chazelle, Jeremy Renner, Ansel Elgort

Review: 4 out of 5 stars, from 1,543 critics “the most admired movie about gay life in the past half century.”

Pippin

Starring: Robbie Coltrane, Jean Rochefort, Simon Helberg, Jill Scott, Adam Wavell, Justice Smith, Caitlin Fitzgerald & more.

Review: 4 out of 5 stars, from 1,425 critics “a real shame that this ‘mature’ role of being supported by your son wasn’t suggested.”

Good Will Hunting

Starring: Tom Cruise, Ben Affleck, Jennifer Garner, Matt Damon, Matt Damon, Philip Seymour Hoffman, Halle Berry

Review: 4 out of 5 stars, from 1,398 critics “Fans of Illumination ‘benchmark’ films Mother and longer-form drama films will have to contend with seeing this film at the same time [as] part of this academic series.”

Around the World in 80 Days

Starring: Cary Grant, Judy Garland, George Peppard, Justo and much more.

Review: 4 out of 5 stars, from 1,342 critics. “a tour de force of cinematography and music that transports us to Europe, Africa and Egypt on the eve of the Emancipation Proclamation.”

Slumdog Millionaire

Starring: Mischa Barton, Clive Owen, Steven Quezada, Ben Kingsley, Mila Kunis

Review: 4 out of 5 stars, from 1,122 critics “I believed I knew Casino even once, but this is a wholly original new experience, notable for its unprecedented human intimacy.”

How many Genders are there?

How many genders are there? I think in order to be supportive of other people, including our gender selves, we need to work on our labels to make them reflect our genders and to acknowledge that other alternatives are possible, affirming that we are all genders.

While it’s excellent to work with professionals that understand and work with many people, when it comes to our own gender identity and expressions, it’s important to work with those that reflect our gender as well.

What are some of the points that support and advancegenderidentity?

There are three main things that people within the trans* community should take into consideration:

First, there is a vast difference between biological sex and gender.Biological sex refers to a features of our bodies that differ from what our biological sex is. Gender doesn’t refer to our motors. It refers to who we are: male or female.

Some say that sex is merely the anatomy, but this is only true of males. There are many institutions out there that consider sex to be the anatomy, but consider that our gender identity is our expression.

Second, our gender identity refers to who we are at any given point in time, not how we may identify ourselves at any given point in time. Some of us have identify ourselves as men throughout our lives, others as women. Gender identity may state our sexual orientation. It may refer to our actual genitalia and/or reproductive organs, appearance, or how we identify ourselves in society. In modern society, these are considered “adesidents,” “woman,” and “man.”

Some of us may have fewer discrepancies between our anatomical features and our gender identity than others. Trans people have less of a problem with their gender identity then the mainstream culture does. The fact that there are some people who are “crepe-ctic” and some who are more fluid gender identity does not mean that “everyone” is trans. This does not mean that there is not a Gender Identity Disorder disorder among trans people. It just means that their gender identity is less fluid that others.

Third, there are many different ways to be gender diverse. You are free to be male, female, male or female. You are not restricted to one sex categorization. fluid gender identity, which is Gender Identity Disorder described above, is managed through our environment, our society, our culture, or our individual appearance.

What is Gendologie?

Gendologie is derived from the popular derived word “genitalia” (literally: genitals), and the modern substituted word “gendirial” (literally: genitalia of the persons). It is made from medically accepted terminology and characteristics of the transgendered.

Some benefits of using genitalia from trans people:

Your trans-curious partner needs a secured and secure anatomy.

It is important to understand that your partner’s anatomy is surgically altered and may have had some surgery. It will have a marked difference on your partner’s anatomy as well.

It is likely that your partner has had some type of operation or interventions in their anatomy. If your partner has had surgery, ask them about it! This cannot be something that they have not disclosed, even if it was some years back.

It is likely that they have changed. Many times, those who are “not trans-curious” may have had reassignment surgery. If your partner has not had surgery (they areNotageldisorder), ask them about it!

Have you heard of a friend or family member who was virulently anti-transgender therapy? Look that you have heard of that way of identifying them, not their gender identity. Are they your parent, friend, relative, or have they come out as completely effeminate?

Do you know what their genitals look like? Have you seen some of the symptoms of their gender identity? How may you determine their gender identity from the physical features of their body?

What about the post-op physicals? Did it answer your questions about their gender identity?

If not, why not? If you think that it does not, ask for a different anatomy so that you can ask them questions about their bodies.

What do you want people to know about you?

About your anatomy, about your hormones, herbs, homeopathy, or other products or cures for your health problem?

Do you write about your health? About your cures? If so, how are your health problems?

Do you have a blog or website?

Do you have aopathy degree or certificate?

Closing in on AIDS Cure

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (U.S.A.) maintains there is no cure for AIDS as of 2011. The CDC points encouragingly to the preventative shot in the arm which has thus far apparently eluded researchers. The prescribed course for managing the disease is a selection of drugs considered successful in prolonging the life of the patient. The established mainstream considers anecdotal evidence more harmful than useful, sometimes going so far as to bring practitioners to court on charges of fraud.

Electrified Blood

In the early 1990s, Steven Kaali and William Lyman, researchers at New York’s Albert Einstein College of Medicine, evidently discovered a way to disable HIV by applying a specific electrical current to blood infected by the virus. They built on the understanding that everything in nature possesses its own resonant electrical frequency. Their findings were reported in a few publications, and a patent was issued on a mechanism for delivering this electric therapy. Speculation abounds, though, that their research was sealed or destroyed, and the men silenced. Robert Beck, physicist who applied their findings, continues to proclaim the veracity of their results even today. Beck and many others now consider blood electrification to be an appropriate response to the entire gamut of systemic diseases.

Are heavily capitalized pharmaceutical corporations keeping the public in the dark to everything but the drugs they peddle? It stirs the emotions to think so. To determine whether therapies are quackery or not requires impartial and accurate investigation. Whatever the facts turn out to be, it rests with every man and woman to apply themselves in due diligence, that we may be confident in the treatments we accept for managing whatever it is that ails us. More information on this and related non-conventional treatments is widely available on the world wide web.

Diagram of Sex and Gender

BIOLOGICAL SEX

(anatomy, chromosomes, hormones)

male ————————————- intersex ——————————— female

GENDER IDENTITY
(psychological sense of self)

man ——————————– two spirit/third gender ———————— woman

GENDER EXPRESSION
(communication of gender)

masculine —————————— androgynous —————————– feminine

SEXUAL ORIENTATION
(romantic/erotic response)

attracted to women —————— bisexual/asexual ——————— attracted to men

Biological sex, shown on the top scale, includes external genitalia, internal reproductive structures, chromosomes, hormone levels, and secondary sex characteristics such as breasts, facial and body hair, and fat distribution. These characteristics are objective in that they can be seen and measured (with appropriate technology). The scale consists not just of two categories (male and female) but is actually a continuum, with most people existing somewhere near one end or the other. The space more in the middle is occupied by intersex people (formerly, hermaphrodites), who have combinations of characteristics typical of males and those typical of females, such as both a testis and an ovary, or XY chromosomes (the usual male pattern) and a vagina, or they may have features that are not completely male or completely female, such as an organ that could be thought of as a small penis or a large clitoris, or an XXY chromosomal pattern.

Gender identity is how people think of themselves and identify in terms of sex (man, woman, boy, girl). Gender identity is a psychological quality; unlike biological sex, it can’t be observed or measured (at least by current means), only reported by the individual. Like biological sex, it consists of more than two categories, and there’s space in the middle for those who identify as a third gender, both (two-spirit), or neither. We lack language for this intermediate position because everyone in our culture is supposed to identify unequivocally with one of the two extreme categories. In fact, many people feel that they have masculine and feminine aspects of their psyches, and some people, fearing that they do, seek to purge themselves of one or the other by acting in exaggerated sex-stereotyped ways.

Gender expression is everything we do that communicates our sex/gender to others: clothing, hair styles, mannerisms, way of speaking, roles we take in interactions, etc. This communication may be purposeful or accidental. It could also be called social gender because it relates to interactions between people. Trappings of one gender or the other may be forced on us as children or by dress codes at school or work. Gender expression is a continuum, with feminine at one end and masculine at the other. In between are gender expressions that are androgynous (neither masculine nor feminine) and those that combine elements of the two (sometimes called gender bending). Gender expression can vary for an individual from day to day or in different situations, but most people can identify a range on the scale where they feel the most comfortable. Some people are comfortable with a wider range of gender expression than others.

Sexual orientation indicates who we are erotically attracted to. The ends of this scale are labeled “attracted to women” and “attracted to men,” rather than “homosexual” and “heterosexual,” to avoid confusion as we discuss the concepts of sex and gender. In the mid-range is bisexuality; there are also people who are asexual (attracted to neither men nor women). We tend to think of most people as falling into one of the two extreme categories (attracted to women or attracted to men), whether they are straight or gay, with only a small minority clustering around the bisexual middle. However, Kinsey’s studies showed that most people are in fact not at one extreme of this continuum or the other, but occupy some position between.

For each scale, the popular notion that there are two distinct categories, with everyone falling neatly into one or the other, is a social construction. The real world (Nature, if you will) does not observe these boundaries. If we look at what actually exists, we see that there is middle ground. To be sure, most people fall near one end of the scale or the other, but very few people are actually at the extreme ends, and there are people at every point along the continuum.

Gender identity and sexual orientation are resistant to change. Although we don’t yet have definitive answers to whether these are the result of biological influences, psychological ones, or both, we do know that they are established very early in life, possibly prenatally, and there are no methods that have been proven effective for changing either of these. Some factors that make up biological sex can be changed, with more or less difficulty. These changes are not limited to people who change their sex: many women undergo breast enlargement, which moves them toward the extreme female end of the scale, and men have penile enlargements to enhance their maleness, for example. Gender expression is quite flexible for some people and more rigid for others. Most people feel strongly about expressing themselves in a way that’s consistent with their inner gender identity and experience discomfort when they’re not allowed to do so.

The four scales are independent. Our cultural expectation is that men occupy the extreme left ends of all four scales (male, man, masculine, attracted to women) and women occupy the right ends. But a person with male anatomy could be attracted to men (gay man), or could have a gender identity of “woman” (transsexual), or could have a feminine gender expression on occasion (crossdresser). A person with female anatomy could identify as a woman, have a somewhat masculine gender expression, and be attracted to women (butch lesbian). It’s a mix-and-match world, and there are as many combinations as there are people who think about their gender.

This schema is not necessarily “reality,” but it’s probably closer than the two-box system. Reality is undoubtedly more complex. Each of the four scales could be broken out into several scales. For instance, the sex scale could be expanded into separate scales for external genitalia, internal reproductive organs, hormone levels, chromosome patterns, and so forth. An individual would probably not fall on the same place on each of these. “Biological sex” is a summary of scores for several variables.

There are conditions that exist that don’t fit anywhere on a continuum: some people have neither the XX (typical female) chromosomal pattern nor the XY pattern typical of males, but it is not clear that other patterns, such as just X, belong anywhere on the scale between XX and XY. Furthermore, the scales may not be entirely separate: if gender identity and sexual orientation are found to have a biological component, they may overlap with the biological sex scale.

Using the model presented here is something like using a spectrum of colors to view the world, instead of only black and white. It doesn’t fully account for all the complex shadings that exist, but it gives us a richer, more interesting picture. Why look at the world in black and white (marred by a few troublesome shades of gray) when there’s a whole rainbow out there?

Source: gendersainity.com – 2006

LGBTQ Meaning, What does LGBTQ Stand for?

We use many abbreviations in our lives, one of these abbreviations is LGBTQ. So what do LGBTQ and sub expansions mean? LGBTQ stand for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer.

A lesbian is a woman who feels physical and / or emotional attraction to another woman. Lesbian means gay woman. Women who feel attracted to both men and women are bisexual. It may be that the person’s self-definition or the sexual identity he / she assigns on himself does not correspond to his behavior.

Gay is an adjective, term and noun meaning gay. The term generally used to denote male homosexuals is also used to describe homosexual women. From the word “gay” in English; In English, it passed from the “gai” origin in Old French. The term gay, which originally meant “cheerful, careless” and “brightly colored, flamboyant”, was first used by male homosexuals to describe themselves since the 1960s. The use of the word “gay” in its other meanings has also disappeared over time. The word lesbian, meaning female homosexual, has been used since the 1800s.

Bisexuality, romantic attraction, sexual attraction or sexual behavior regardless of gender, or romantic or sexual attraction towards people of any gender or gender identity.

The term bisexuality is often used in the context of human attraction to denote romantic or sexual feelings towards both men and women, and it is one of the three main classifications of sexual orientation, along with heterosexuality and homosexuality, which are part of the heterosexual-homosexual continuum. A bisexual identity does not have to feel equal sexual attraction to both sexes; People who are often more attracted to one sex also identify themselves as bisexual.

Bisexuality has been observed throughout history in various human populations and in the animal kingdom. But the term bisexuality, like hetero– and homosexuality, was coined in the 19th century.

The transgender or trans person’s gender identity is not compatible with the assigned gender. The term transgender person is used to describe people with this condition and is a phenomenon completely independent of sexual orientation; trans people are also gay, homosexual, homosexual, etc. They can be defined as; Some trans people think that traditional labels of sexual orientation are inadequate or impractical to them.

The definition of trance includes:

“Individuals clearly do not conform to traditional definitions of male or female gender roles, but move between them”

“Individuals feel that the gender they are assigned to is wrong or incomplete in identifying themselves based on the sexual organ they have at birth.

“Failure to be identified or represented by the gender assigned (and accepted gender) at birth”

Queer is an umbrella term that does not fit into a heterosexual or binary gender system, that includes gender identity, sexual orientation, or both. Repeating the definitions of LGBT; The theory that explains their social, intellectual and political expansions as well as their historical and cultural developments. Although queer is a word with negative qualities such as “weird, weird, crooked” in Turkish, its use in political and theoretical issues started in the 1990s. Especially with the activities carried out especially in the academic field with the activist group called Queer Nation established in New York, the concept became concrete.

Lesbian, Gay Male and Transgender Elder Abuse

When most people think about Lesbians and Gay men, they think about sexuality. After all, it’s sexuality — sexual behavior — that distinguishes heterosexuals from homosexuals. And since our culture says sexuality is an intensely private activity (particularly for the generations who are currently elders), discussion of Lesbian and Gay male elder issues can seem inappropriate and/or unnecessary, particularly when our goal is to intervene in cases of elder abuse that may have nothing to do with sex.

However, the equation of homosexuality exclusively with sexuality does Lesbian and Gay male elders a very grave disservice. It erases two key components of Gay life that have everything to do with how well these elders are served by aging providers in general and by adult protective services in particular: their relationships, and their social, psychological, and legal environment. This article seeks to outline how being a Lesbian, Gay male, or Bisexual elder may impact on that elder’s need for — and willingness to accept assistance from — adult protective services. It will also discuss some strategies adult protective workers may want to adopt to ease these elders’ fears.

Lesbian and Gay male elders have been called an “invisible” population (Cruikshank, 1991). If they are invisible, then transgendered elders have been inconceivable. Many adult protective services workers do not even realize such elders exist. This article therefore also explores transgender issues and identity vis-a-vis elder abuse and adult protective services.

Unfortunately, due in large measure to our society’s still-pervasive social prejudice against and ignorance about sexual orientation and gender minorities, there have been few studies of this population of elders, and virtually no one has examined how this population’s culture affects its experience with elder abuse. This paper is thus only a beginning, speculative venture into this realm. It is based primarily on my personal knowledge of Lesbian and Gay male elders and younger transgendered persons and on my discussions with social workers serving older Lesbians and Gay men and with domestic violence specialists serving older women or Lesbians, Gay men, and transgendered persons.

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity

It’s often said that Americans are obsessed with sex. Unfortunately, that obsession has not translated into accurate and complete information about sexuality and gender. Therefore, before we can begin discussing elder abuse in relationship to this population, we need to define who they are.

Sexual Orientation

Sexual orientation refers to whether someone is sexually and/or emotionally attracted to: someone of the same gender (Lesbian, Gay male, Gay or Homosexual [both referring to either men or women]); someone of the opposite gender (heterosexual or “straight”); or both (bisexual). It’s impossible to determine how many people are Lesbian or Gay, since social prejudices dictate that many people will lie about this aspect of their identity. Those who have estimated percentages have produced numbers everywhere from 2% of the population to 20%, with 5-10% being the most popular estimates (Buxton, 1994).

Gender Identity

Gender identity refers to whether you perceive yourself to be male, female, both, or neither. Most of the time people who perceive themselves to be male are born with male genitalia, and those who perceive themselves to be female are born with genitalia labelled female. The exceptions are transgendered persons, who will be discussed in more detail below. There are nocredible estimates of how many Americans are transgendered.

The Intersection of Gender Identity and Sexual Orientation Sexual orientation and gender identity are wholly separate characteristics, like age and race. Most Lesbians feel fully female and most Gay men never question their maleness. Transgendered individuals may be heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, or asexual. Lesbians, Gay men, and transgendered persons are found in every racial and cultural group. Therefore, it’s possible for an individual elder to face abuse and prejudice based on her age, her race, her gender identity, and her sexual orientation. While such multiple-jeopardy situations are not uncommon, this paper will focus only (and separately) on how Lesbian or Gay sexual orientation and transgendered identity intersect with elder abuse issues.

The Social, Psychological, and Legal Environment of Lesbian and Gay Male Elders

Homophobia

For the generations of Lesbians and Gay men who are now elders, the larger social environment in which they’ve existed can be summed up in one word: homophobic. Homophobia is fear of and/or hatred toward homosexuals. When those who are now elders were growing up, discovering their sexuality, forming relationships, and making a living, homosexuality was viewed as criminal, sinful, and sick. Those known to be homosexual were often fired from jobs, thrown out of their apartments, kicked out of the military, disowned by their families, and beaten by strangers. Businesses known to cater to Gay men and Lesbians were frequent targets of police harassment. Gay men and Lesbians who were working class and/or adopted manners of dress deemed that of the “opposite” sex were particularly brutalized (Marcus, 1992). Lesbian and Gay relationships were (indeed, in most ways still are) completely denied the rights and recognition routinely granted heterosexual marriages.

A few brave Lesbians and Gay men confronted the larger society’s disparagement (Marcus, 1992), but most learned that in order to survive, they must hide their identities and relationships. Indeed the stigma of being Gay or Lesbian is so great for these generations of elders that many of them refuse to label themselves as such. “We identify simply as two women living together in a primary relationship,” said one 75-year-old who had been partnered for 41 years (Johnson, 1991, p. 26). Adelman (1991, p. 30) interviewed another elder who said, “I never wanted to identify with a lesbian group. I just like being with women.”

Social condemnation of people who have relationships or sex with persons of their own gender is so strong that even those who do not identify themselves as Gay or Lesbian, those who do not associate with other known Gays or Lesbians, and those who “come out” (realize they are Gay) late in life nevertheless adopt many of the same protective behaviors and social adaptations as those who have long labelled themselves Gay.

Some of these adaptations are helpful. Some researchers believe, for instance, that Lesbians and Gay men may actually adapt to aging better than some of their heterosexual peers because they’ve learned to build close networks of friends and have a greater range of daily living skills due to their rejection of social gender task proscriptions (Friend, 1991).

Unfortunately, some of these adaptations make older Gay men and Lesbians morevulnerable to abuse, neglect, and exploitation. And none of the adaptations spares Lesbian and Gay male elders from the abuse all elders are vulnerable to, or from the threat of homophobic abuse.

Abuse of Lesbian and Gay Male Elders

Homophobic Abuse

The stories abound. One researcher discussed an older resident of a nursing home whom staff refused to bathe because they didn’t want to touch “the Lesbian” (Raphael, 1997). A social worker reported a case where the home care assistant threatened to “out” her older Gay male client if he reported her negligent care (Roosen, personal communication, May 12, 1997). Older Lesbians and Gay men who choose not to or do not succeed at hiding all traces of their sexual orientation are also subject to street harassment and violence (Visano, 1991).

Domestic Violence

Homophobia also plays a part in domestic violence within Lesbian and Gay couples. A therapist who works with Gay male batterers reports that “the majority…[of the men referred to him] have manifested a negative self- concept related to being homosexual, as well as negative feelings about who they are as a person.” (Byrne, 1996, p. 110) Homophobia is often used as a tool of batterers, who threaten to out their lovers to family or employers (Elliott, 1996).

Fear of Authorities

Most importantly, however, homophobia serves to keep victims from seeking help. Such a move (particularly if the abuser is a lover) might require outing oneself and facing possible hostility from the very people who are supposed to help. If seeking help involves — or might involve — the police, Lesbians and Gay men are especially likely to demur, because being Gay is still illegal in many states and because virtually every older Lesbian and Gay man knows of instances of police brutality against homosexuals (Marcus, 1992).

Legal Barriers

Legal discrimination against Lesbian and Gay male couples makes it harder for elders to afford to leave an abusive relationship. Whereas a heterosexual wife usually has access — albeit sometimes hard-to-obtain access — to her husband’s pension and (in community property states) to half of the couple’s assets regardless of whose name is on the title or account, Lesbians and Gay men have no such rights. An older Gay man who does not have sufficient pension income of his own has no right to a portion of his lover’s, and an older Lesbian whose abusive partner put all their assets in her name (a scenario that is fairly common among couples with an abusive, controlling partner) will lose everything she has worked for her whole life if she leaves.

Self-Neglect by Lesbian and Gay Male Elders

Every state that includes self-neglect in its definition of elder abuse reports that self- neglect makes up a large proportion of the elder abuse problem (Tatara, 1994). In fact, one study (Duke, 1990) found that self- neglect made up 79% of substantiated elder abuse cases. Judging from the experiences of Ruth Morales and George Roosen, caseworkers for San Francisco’s Gay and Lesbian Outreach to Elders, it seems possible that Lesbians and Gay men make up more than their “fair share” of this population. They have several reasons why they believe this is so (personal communication, May 12, 1997).

Internalized Homophobia

All Lesbians and Gay men must struggle to define themselves as worthy and decent human beings in the face of social prejudice that says they are emphatically not worthy and decent (Adelman, 1991). Some never successfully achieve a positive self-definition. Others, facing increasing disabilities, the deaths of lovers and friends, and other drains on their emotional strength, may find their psychological defenses against homophobia disintegrating as they age. Elders who have internalized homophobia come to believe that they are not worthy and respectable people and consequently deserve loneliness, ill health, and poor living conditions. Lacking self- esteem, these elders may be unable to ask for help, and unwilling to accept any help that is offered.

A History of Hiding

The current generations of Lesbian and Gay male elders almost invariably have histories of protecting themselves from social prejudice by hiding who they are. Some contracted heterosexual marriages or took opposite-sex friends to work-related social events. Others “simply” pretended to be single or lied about their hobbies and interests. Many turned down jobs and other opportunities that threatened their efforts to appear heterosexual. Roosen believes that some Lesbian and Gay male elders have so routinely taken extraordinary measures to protect their privacy that the prospect of allowing someone into their homes to provide personal care is unthinkable.

The Value of Independence

Ironically, one of the most adaptive consequences of learning to deal with societal homophobia — cultivating the skills and attitudes to sustain independence — can end up being counter-productive when an elder becomes frail. Because so many Gay men and Lesbians are disowned by family members who learn of their homosexuality and because they are legally deprived of rights to their partners’ earnings and pensions, Lesbians and Gay men tend to highly value self-reliance. Older Lesbians, in particular, often take pride in their ability to be self- supporting. Unfortunately, this independent streak can make accepting help in old age anathema. Consequently, some Lesbian and Gay male elders, Morales believes, simply vastly prefer self- neglect to “becoming dependent.”

Fear of Encountering Homophobia

Finally, Lesbian and Gay male elders may end up self-neglecting in order to protect themselves from others’ homophobia. Isolation is widely viewed as one of the primary risk factors for elder abuse and neglect (Wolf, 1996). Unfortunately, the services set up to connect isolated older people with others are shunned by many Lesbians and Gay men. Morales and Roosen report that many of their clients refuse to attend senior centers or nutrition sites or move into senior housing because they have “nothing in common” with heterosexual peers, whose conversations often include discussions of grandchildren and spouses. They also tend to refuse home care services, fearing that a worker might realize they are Gay and become abusive or try to blackmail them.

Transgendered Elders

Definitions

It is highly unlikely an adult protective services worker will ever encounter an elder who calls him- or herself “transgendered.” This term is relatively new, and its definition is contested. However, it is a useful umbrella term for several types of gender-related identities.

Transsexual. A transsexual is a person assumed to be female at birth who now lives full- time as a male (female-to-male or FTM), or a person assumed to be male at birth who now lives full-time as a female (male-to-female or MTF). Transsexuals may be post-operative, which means they have had one or more surgeries to alter their primary and/or secondary sex characteristics. They may be pre-operative, in that they intend to have one or more surgeries in the future. And they may be non-operative, which means they do not intend to have any gender-related surgeries. Although most transsexuals take hormones to help their bodies visually conform to their gender identity, some do not. Legally, transsexuals may have changed all, some, or none of their identity papers to reflect their “new” gender and (if appropriate) name.

Cross-dresser or transvestite. A cross-dresser or transvestite is a person who dresses part- time or full-time in clothing his or her culture deems as “belonging” to the “opposite” gender. Some people cross-dress as part of a performance, and may be called drag queens or drag kings.

Intersexed (intersexual) or hermaphrodite. Intersexuals (formerly known as hermaphrodites) are persons born with genitals that are not clearly “male” or “female,” or do not look like “typical” genitals.

Transgender(ed). This term is a catch-all for all of the above and for people who feel they cross or blur gender lines, are both female and male or neither. “Butch” Lesbians and “effeminate” Gay men are sometimes included in this category.

Non-congruent Bodies

What nearly all transgendered elders have in common is a body that does not “match” their clothing, presentation, and/or identity. Transsexual genital surgeries only began in the 1940s and 1950s, are extremely expensive and seldom covered by insurance, and — especially in the case of female-to-male transsexuals — have often produced less-than-satisfactory results. Therefore, even transsexual elders are likely to have genitals and (perhaps) other physical features that are not congruent with their sense of who they are. That means transgendered elders will tend to be extremely reluctant to use services — even emergency medical care — that require disrobing.

Transphobia

Social prejudice against transgendered persons (transphobia) is, in many cases, even more intense than that directed against Lesbians and Gay men. Surveys of transgendered persons consistently show an extremely high rate of violent victimization, including higher-than-average rates of street violence and of childhood violence perpetuated by parents and caregivers (Bowen, 1996; Courvant, 1997; Wilchins, 1997). Transgendered persons face prejudice from family members, employers, the general public, and “helping professionals.”

Law enforcement. Like Lesbians and Gay men, transgendered persons generally avoid contact with the police. Transgendered persons have often been the victims of police brutality and negligence, and many stories circulate about what happens in jail when a transgendered person is placed in a sex-segregated group cell.

Health care professionals. Transgendered persons are also subject to health care provider ignorance and prejudice. Even those who specialize in treating transgendered persons often require them to lie and hide. For decades these doctors and therapists required transsexuals to divorce loving spouses, move to new states, and fabricate whole new “life histories” in order to qualify for hormones and surgery. Even today, some surgeons refuse to operate on transsexuals who reveal facts like having borne or sired children. Health care providers who do not specialize in treating transgendered persons are, for the most part, completely ignorant about their health care needs and concerns (Morton, Lewis, Hans and Green, 1997).

Effects of transphobia. Because they face similar social prejudices and degradations, it is likely that transgendered elders face the same elevated risks of elder abuse and self-neglect as their Lesbian and Gay male peers. They may frequently internalize the prejudice against them and come to believe that they are not worthy of decent treatment. Greg Merrill, Director of Client Services at the Community United Against Violence, reports that transgendered victims of domestic violence are the least likely to leave an abusive lover, since they often believe their abuser’s taunts that no one else will ever love and accept them as they are (personal communication, June 17, 1997).

Like Lesbian and Gay elders, transgendered elders may frequently refuse services. They, too, will be exceptionally protective of their privacy. Because of past negative experiences, they may be particularly resistant to dealing with health care professionals, law enforcement, and agencies that may question their legal identity.

Implications for Adult Protective Services

Adult protective services workers, no matter how skilled and caring, cannot begin to negate or compensate for the violence and prejudice Lesbian, Gay male, and transgendered elders face. What they can do is try to be more aware of the perhaps-hidden realities of clients’ lives, and be more skilled at addressing clients’ fears and needs.

Identifying Lesbian and Gay Male Elders

Adult protective services workers do not have to positively identify who among their caseload is Gay in order to properly serve them. Indeed, many Lesbian and Gay male elders would feel distinctly uncomfortable if they felt they were “read” (identified as Gay), and some might deny it if asked. One Gay social worker even recommends not coming out to a suspected Lesbian or Gay male elder if you yourself are Gay, as it puts the elder in the uncomfortable position of feeling pressure to also self-disclose (Roosen, personal communication, May 12, 1997).

Recognize Relationships

Instead, be aware that not all couples are heterosexual. If there is evidence an elder lives with another adult, gently probe as to the nature and length of the relationship. Echo the elder’s language. Is this “friend” or “roommate” someone the elder can count on for care? For financial assistance? If there appears to be a partnership of some sort, you need not determine whether it’s sexual. Simply begin asking the type of questions you would ask a married couple rather than the type of questions you’d ask about a neighbor.

Be Aware of Legal Realities

At the same time, if the client appears to have a same-sex partner, be aware of the lack of legal protections and assumptions these couples have. If the client and partner want the partner to have something as simple as hospital visiting privileges or something as complex as an inheritance, special legal documents may have to be drafted. Even then, the couple may need help getting such documents honored: one lawyer who specializes in elder law and Lesbian and Gay issues reports that a nursing home refused to honor the Power of Attorney he drew up for the Gay lover of a resident (private conversations held at Joint Conference on Law and Aging, 1994).

Listen Especially Carefully

It was easy for the social workers who work with Lesbian and Gay elders to recite instances where adult protective services workers made situations worse. In one case, an older Gay man was moved out of a “dangerous” neighborhood to “nice senior housing.” All of this man’s friends and social contacts were young Gay male hustlers who abandoned him once he moved out of their neighborhood and into a “secure” building, effectively isolating him among people with whom he had nothing in common (Roosen, personal communication, May 12, 1997).

Similarly, what may look to an outsider like an exploitative relationship may, in fact, be quite an acceptable exchange to the people involved. Many older Gay men, in particular, couple with much younger men (Steinman, 1991; Visano, 1991). In one instance reported by Roosen, an older Gay man took in a much younger, Gay addict living with AIDS. The younger man was abusive and exploitative, but after his death the older man reported that he was prouder of having helped that young man than of almost anything else he’d ever done.

Find Respectful Service Providers

Just as an elder from a racial minority culture needs to have service providers who are respectful of her beliefs and practices, Lesbian, Gay male, and transgendered elders need providers who will treat them respectfully. If you suspect an older client is Lesbian, Gay, or transgendered, make sure you find or train service providers who will not denigrate them. In the case of transgendered elders, it is crucial for everyone who comes into contact with the elder to always address them by the name and pronoun they use, regardless of that elder’s genitals or legal identification.

Connect with the Client

One of the interesting findings of Bozinovski’s study of self-neglecting elders (1996) is that many of these elders were strongly identified with their past professions. This seems a fruitful rapport-building area to explore with suspected Lesbian and Gay elders, as these elders often invested a lot in their professional lives (Johnson, 1991). Further rapport can be developed by addressing “friends” or “roommates” as one would a spouse, and by noticing and asking about personal effects such as pictures (just don’t assume the young man in a picture is the client’s son!). If it will work in smoothly, talk about the variety of persons your agency serves.

Connect the Client to the Community

If you get any indication that a client is willing to talk about being Lesbian, Gay, or transgendered, be prepared to assist her or him in locating appropriate resources. Although there are very few programs specifically for Lesbian and Gay elders and none for transgendered elders, there are more and more “Gay retiree” groups, and hundreds of communities have Gay-oriented churches or social groups and/or transgender support groups. The pastors of such churches or leaders of such groups may be willing to arrange for an informal friendly visitor if the elder is homebound. A list of such resources is included below.

Conclusion

Given how much prejudice and violence Lesbian, Gay male, and transgendered elders face, there can be no question that any given APS caseload will include such elders. These clients are likely to be more resistant than other clients to accepting services, due to their fears of being victimized or ridiculed again and of losing especially-valued independence and privacy. When APS workers become more aware of the existence and circumstances of Lesbian, Gay male, and transgendered elders, they should be better able to build rapport with these clients and assist them in getting the services and assistance they need.

References

Adelman, M. (1991). Stigma, gay lifestyles, and adjustment to aging: A study of later-life gay men and lesbians. In J. A. Lee (Ed.), Gay midlife and maturity (pp. 7-32). New York: the Haworth Press.

Bowen, G. (1996). Violence and health survey. (Available from American Boyz, P.O. Box 1118, Elkton, MD 21922-1118)

Bozinovski, S.D. (1996, November). Self-neglect among elders: A struggle for self- continuity. Paper presented at conference of the National Association of Adult Protective Services Administrators, Austin, TX.

Buxton, A.P. (1994). The other side of the closet: The coming-out crisis for straight spouses and families (revised edition). New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Byrne, D. (1996). Clinical models for the treatment of gay male perpetrators of domestic violence. In C. M. Renzetti & C. H. Miley (Eds.), Violence in gay and lesbian domestic partnerships (pp. 107-116). New York: Harrington Park Press.

Courvant, D. (1997). Domestic violence and the sex- or gender-variant survivor.(Available from the Survivor Project, 5028 NE 8th, Portland, OR 97211)

Cruikshank, M. (1991). Lavender and gray: A brief survey of lesbian and gay aging studies. In J. A. Lee (Ed.), Gay midlife and maturity (pp. 77-87). New York: The Haworth Press.

Duke, J. (1996). Study found 79% of adult protective services cases were self-neglect. Aging, 367, 42-43.

Elliott, P. (1996). Shattering the illusions: Same-sex domestic violence. In C. M. Renzetti & C. H. Miley (Eds.), Violence in gay and lesbian domestic partnerships (pp. 1-8). New York: Harrington Park Press.

Flynn, E. & Choe, C. (1996, June 26). Down by law. San Francisco Bay Guardian. Friend, R.A. (1991). Older lesbian and gay people: A theory of successful aging. In J. A. Lee (Ed.), Gay midlife and maturity (pp. 99-118). New York: The Haworth Press.

Johnson, S.E. (1990). Staying power: Long term lesbian couples. Tallahassee, Florida: The Naiad Press.

Marcus, E. (1992). Making history: The struggle for gay and lesbian elder rights, 1945- 1990, An oral history. New York: Harper Collins.

Morton, S., Lewis, Y., Hans, A., & Green, J. (1997). FTM 101 — The invisible transsexual. (Available from FTM International, Inc., 1360 Mission Street, Suite 200, San Francisco, CA 94103)

Raphael, S. (1997, June). Lesbian and gay elders. Paper presented at a conference of the National Center on Elder Abuse, Long Beach, CA.

Steinman, R. (1991). Social exchanges between older and younger gay male partners. In J. A. Lee (Ed.), Gay midlife and maturity (pp. 179-206). New York: The Haworth Press.

Tatara, T. (1994). Elder abuse: Questions and answers (4th ed.) (Booklet). Washington, D.C.: The National Center on Elder Abuse.

Visano, L.A. (1991). The impact of age on paid sexual encounters. In J. A. Lee (Ed.), Gay midlife and maturity (pp. 207-226). New York: The Haworth Press.

Wilkins, R.A. (1997). First national survey on transviolence. (Available from GenderPac, 274 West 11th St., #30, New York, NY 10014)

Wolf, R.S. (1996). Understanding elder abuse and neglect. Aging, 367, 4-9.

2000, amboyz.org

A Queer Arab Identity?

In this presentation, I discuss the notion of Queer Arab, and examine the ideological gesture it performs. What does Queer Arab achieve as identity formation? Whom does it refer to, if it is anything but self-referential?

My initial project was to discuss Queer Arab and the possibility of militantism in the Middle East, rather than mobilize my theoretical apparatus, constantly deferring me as distant organic intellectual. I can write about Queer Arab in so far as I imagine myself as a western academic. In other words, it is precisely my position of academic that allows me to imagine or even entertain such notion as Queer Arab identity. To those who expect this paper to perform a synthesis, I feel obliged to warn you that this paper’s contention, at best, is to generate questions and expose contradictions, its own , among others.

For all political purposes, I believe in constructing a gay and lesbian identity in the Arab world. Visibility is a key factor in that process. People should see that gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgendered are not the uncanny deviance of human sexuality, and slowly realize that gay and lesbian-ness ought to be socially integrated. Conceptualizing a queer identity is necessary for political and civil rights activism. For this reason alone am I invested in talking about gay and lesbian identities and their conditions of possibility. The danger, however, arises when we take for granted the constructedness of such identity, and relegate it to an essence, an inherent characteristic, tantamount to a certain style of life, dressing, talking, and identifying especially. Gay and lesbian are a socio-political construction with a specific history and history of struggle and political achievements. However, a political mobilization necessitates a linguistic mobilization as well, i.e., a rethinking of homosexuality the way it occurs in Arabic language.

Haboub(a)

Let’s talk about a word that signifies our sexuality, and grabs its complexity with a mere combination of letters. As of this moment of enunciation, we hope to exist as self-defined entities and autonomous subjects, responsible for that ideological gesture we bring upon ourselves. Ideally, we seek a word that detaches itself from the stigma with which our homosexual practices had to struggle for so long. The term “ideally” is quite problematic. When we, as lesbian and gay Arabs refer to each others as Haboub(a) (“sweety” in Arabic), we ought to realize that this term, with all the “positive” implications of its usage, posits itself in relation to Tobji, Shaz, Souhaki-ya, Louty (Faggot and the like). It posits itself as lack, lack of those pejorative conations against which it differentially establishes itself as meaningful utterance.

Haboub is no longer effeminate or doomed to perish like Lout’s people. Haboub is like “Black is Beautiful” in the 70’sit is gay. Such term, however, risks falling prey to its own ideological lure. How so? We are debating haboub as a potential signifier for Gay and Lesbian Arabs. But is gay and lesbian Arabs unproblematic to begin with? Our usage of gay Arabs, even though for all heuristic and temporary purposes, is an appellation that is to be held culturally accountable just like haboub(a). Gay and Arab, lesbian and Arab, it almost suggests these net searches wherein we type several words, and wait for the computer to combine them under a certain rubric-to produce a synthesis. The computer process, its synthesis, can be an interesting analogy, but is definitely an alarming one as well. The machine will proceed by generating the entries, i.e., the possible convergences and common grounds between gay and Arab. But what if, when we type in gay and lesbian Arabs, we obtain something along the lines of “under the Saudi law, homosexuality is a crime punishable by either death, flogging” or what have you? How is this output significant in terms of the way we conduct our search? Is it the case that the computer is predisposed to read only certain kinds of approximation and association in that very specific vein, just like Islam and terrorism for instance? This potential output signifies that the computer and the cultural context in which it arises on the one hand, and our particular stand point as Arab intellectuals on the other, may be quite antithetical. Therefore, when we discuss gay and lesbian Arabs, we try to bring together two concepts, two ideologies, overlooking their contextual and linguistic differences.

Gay in a middle eastern context does not refer to what the latter refers to in a western one. The sexual practice alone is not sufficient to appropriate the word, and expect it to be harmonious with its new cultural surrounding. In other words, how is it possible for the word to rethink its occurrence within that specific paradigm? At this stage, yet another major question arises: representation.

From our particular intellectual, political, and even geographical stand point, are we entitled to represent Arab queers or provide them with a word to adopt unproblematically? How can we avoid the risk of remaining at the level of the detached diasporic intelligentsia which will repatriate in a huge container, an appellation, accompanied by an extensive set of sexual and identity politics to go witha normative package, that is? This is not to say, however, that producing a “positive” word to refer to gay in Arabic is a fruitless task; the concerns I raise constitute the task’s self-reflexive matrix, nothing more. In order to rephrase the net-search analogy mentioned earlier, I call attention to a personal frustration. Every time I think and write about gay Arabs, I find myself reiterating critical discourses on Queerness from the 1960’s, 70’s. Every time I imagine myself to be finally producing original thought and analysis, I find it thought of and analysed previously in western queer contexts. Why so? I’m faced with this wall of reiteration given that my approach still seems not to question enough “queer” as concept, social practice, and identity in the first place. When I think of Queer Arab, I have the western notion of queer in mind, despite my attempts to expose such tension, as I tried to do earlier. I find myself unable to problematize queerness in the Arab context at any fundamental level.

Therefore, I make the same observations made in the 60’s and 70’s on queers in America. My entrapment in the western paradigm reduces my intellectual enterprise to a correspondence theory, in constant struggle with that historical gap. But in what other ways can I problematize Queer Arabs? How can I theorize such phenomena especially that a Queer Arab theory (or theories) is important in so far as it might generate a counter-discourse on sexuality and power in the Middle East. I want to reemphasize the Realpolitik character of my task. I strongly envisage a queer militantism in the Arab world, one that brings about civil rights to homosexuals in the region, without exclusively having recourse to human rights organizations. In few years down the road, the United Nations might pressure certain countries to acknowledge homosexual rights, but what would that gesture signify? That rights are only possible under the rubric of a gay and lesbian western identities, universalized in terms of human rights and identity formation through NGO’s or other globalizing institutions an imported doctrine?

Before I further interrogate queer identity as a possibility at the political level in the Middle East, I need to interrogate identity as such. How does the notion of citizenship inflect a queer identity? Is a queer identity at all possible as socio-politcal construct in Arab societies to begin with? Can we talk about Arab “society” as unified body of social and religious formations? Is Queer Arab a romanticization in so far as it attempts to recapture an Arab homosexual essence la Abu-Firass al-Hamadani? In other words, is Queer Arab a fundamentalist discourse, a radical discourse, a return to homosexuality’s roots in an Arab context of a Greek model scenerio? Can we think of Queer Arab as being a pan-Arabist discourse by precisely disindentifying from a hegemonic sexual practice, i.e., do we identify as Arabs by precisely inhabiting that site of sexual others, and does that site reflect and construct our Arabness? Does it imagine it as ideal origin? A counter-discourse on sexuality produced in the Diaspora reiterates and re-produces a dominant political discourse on Arab unity. The sense of Queer Arab’s community does not lie in what they have inherently in common as Arab identified homosexuals, but rather in the ways in which a particular level of exclusion constitutes homosexuality as privileged for the construction of identity.

Queer Arabs, and by coming out as such, exclude themselves to form that ideological community of Arabs, and construct Arabs as community based on ideology. Queer Arab identity is viable in so far as it exploits that moment of self-incurred exclusion. Queer Arabs form a community of rejects, and yet they form a community that transcends ethnic, religious and other social determinisms. We can hence come together as Arabs by choice rather than belonging and endoctrination as was the case in the 50’s and 60’s with the rise of Socialism in the Arab world. It is precisely our choice to come out and engage in homosexual practices, that we achieve the coherence of such notion as Arab, henceforth rendered dynamic in its very conceptulization of community. Arab was always defined along overdetermined lines of geography, religion, language, and ethnicity, especially. Queer Arab challenges such determinisms; it reappropriates and salvages Arab as an ideological gesture, produced at a moment of consent, a homosexual consent between two adult individuals who decide to come together. Queer Arab overdetermines Arab identity at the site of desire, it desires to see this identity coming. Queer imagines and constructs Arab as binding effect, and not vice versa. Queer practices nourish and sustain Arab as ideal positing. It is precisely our sexual practice that make Arabs of us. Queer and Arab are complementary. Without being an identity itself, queerness, so to say, consolidates our sense of Arab identity. Queerness has the form of identity, it conditions it. Our sexuality makes of us Arabs to each others, and constitutes a site of overdeterminacy that allows us to imagine ourselves as Arab identified individuals. I become Arab to you at that site of coming together.

In The Sublime Object of Ideology, Slavoj Zizec argues that in monarchies, individuals imagine themselves as subjects-to-one-other given their respective positions vis–vis the king whom they overdetermine as a centralised power. At surface level, Queer Arab presents itself as a counter-discourse, a site of dissent from a dominant ideology. However, Queer Arab performatively reinscribes and affirms such ideology internally. The radical other of socio-political discourse in the Middle East, becomes always already is the discourse’s utter interior, its binding effect that which allows the discourse to operate in the first place. Queer Arab spears that discourse the pathological positing of identity in terms of ethnicity, religion, and the like. Foucault’s productive hypothesis characterizes Power as repressing such notion as homosexual, but it also produces homosexuality and on it a multiplicity of discourses that eludes homosexuality as object of repression. Discursive practices produce and not merely signify their symbolic objects. A discourse on queer sexuality constructs the latter as other to that imagined object of repression. Queer Arab constructs homosexuality so as to de- essentialise it. Power projects its holistic fantasy, its fantasy of negating its fundamental contradiction. Power’s superficial/conscious fantasy is a repressive hypothesis which represents power as repressing all obvious dissidence to maintain its centrality and incontestability.

Power, however, operates at a more fundamental and unconscious level; it does not maintain itself through repression as an end in itself, but through repression in so far as the latter will proliferate discourses on identity, identities that will imagine themselves as such vis a vis a centralized power structure. In the Queer Arab’s context, power’s immediate reaction is to outcast such notion, and does so quite successfully, priori. This repression of homosexuality as practice allows us to entertain a Queer Arab identity, a notion that answers and returns power’s demand for stability and unity.

Oppression and a queer identity are symbiotic. They operate as each others’ fantasies. That said, I still need to address the political and ethical implications of such analysis. Is repression justified in so far as it maintains a queer identity, imagined in the Diaspora? At this stage, I appeal to the constructedness of a queer identity as strategic political practice, a bargaining power , as viable as its oppression. Power, or, and to stick to Foucault’s differentiation, the micro-physics of power, lies in its illusion, in its possibility of creating that illusion of omnipotence, an illusion that we construct and legitimize from our respective subject positions. Zizec discusses Kafka’s depiction of bureaucracy, a notion that becomes overdetermined in terms of its opressive modes due to the ways in which subjects relate to themselves in relation to it. They construct it as absolute. We construct our own entrapment in the network, its our masochistic fantasies that we feed, and of which we feed. I might be accused of idealizing Queer Arab, but how else can I proceed, how can I not idealize that which is only an idea, a hypothesis, a coming. I can only idealize, and approximate through a mimetic gesture the material reflection of Queer Arab identity. This is not say, however, that I have dicussed a mere condition of possibility, but rather a condition that bears the possibility of subversion in the ways in which it redefines political discourses as such.

There is no Queer Arab identity, but there is no auto-sufficient/autarctic “Arab” either. Arab is constantly demanding queerness to accomplish its relve (sublation) in the dialectics of identity. Arab is a queer in-itself.

The Politics of Naming: A Queer Arab Identity?

By N.D. Plume, 2000 @ Ahbab

Belgium Deports Homophobic Turkish Imam

According to reports in the Belgian media, the imam of the Green Mosque in Houthalen-Helchteren, near the city of Genk, shared a discriminatory message on his Facebook account that “homosexuality is a disease, causes decay and is banned by Islam”.

Imam also recalled the controversial anti-homosexual preaching of the President of Religious Affairs Ali Erbaş. He also thanked a follower who wrote “Homosexuality is the virus of capitalism and democracy”.

Sammy Mahdi, Minister of State for Asylum and Immigration of the federal government, announced that they decided not to extend the residence permit of the imam, who has been in Belgium for 3 years. The Belgian minister said, “Those who come to our society to sow hate have no place here“.

Sent from Turkey by the Directorate of Religious Affairs, he has made application for renewal of residence and work permit to the Immigration Office in Belgium last October. Belgian authorities launched an investigation against the imam on the grounds that “it could harm public order and national security” due to his homophobic views.

The Flemish government has also taken legal action to revoke the Green Mosque’s license.

Mosque management will take legal action

It was stated that the Belgian government would ask the Turkish imam, whose residence permit was not extended, to leave the country.

State Minister Mahdi said, “We can no longer tolerate stigmatizing the gay community and spreading such messages. If you have the right to work in Belgium as an imam, you have an exemplary duty. Anyone who does not want to abide by our values will have to bear the consequences.”

Flemish Home Office and Integration Minister Bart Somers has also taken legal action to revoke the Green Mosque’s license. Somers stated that the Green Mosque is in danger of losing its recognition, “on the grounds that it spreads hatred and discriminatory messages towards the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) community.

Helchteren Mayor Alain Yzermans said the city council will seriously consider the Green Mosque issue. “Discriminatory messages opposing the democratic, constitutional state are unacceptable. Our municipality attaches great importance to equality and tolerance” said the mayor.

An official from the Green Mosque administration told the BBC Turkish that they were surprised by the Belgian government’s decision and that they will meet with the lawyer on Thursday for the necessary legal action. The mosque association manager refrained from saying, “I don’t know, I forgot” the name of the imam, who was the target of the accusations.